How a More Relevant UN Secretary General Can Reduce Global Conflicts
The
recent years have seen renewed prospects of regional violence. Just in Africa, internal repression of
Eritrea, disorder in Burundi, and tense standoff between Muslim and Christians
in Central African Republic, to name a few, continue to disrupt the normal livelihoods
of millions. One point of commonality
among these conflicts has been an acute lack of international intervention to
prevent escalation. The lack of international
interest has been most visible in these conflicts’ lack of appearance in global
headlines, where international conflicts of choice have largely been those in
the Middle East.
In fact,
the only African conflict to receive significant and sustained media attention
from global media in the past decade has been the Rwandan Genocide. Even there, the coverage emphasized the scale
of human carnage and the guilt from the international community’s inaction,
rather than underlying ethnic and political conflicts that were the root causes
of the killings. The lack of
international interest toward such devastating conflicts reflects the lack of
desire by major global actors to be involved.
There are a couple of reasons for the lack of international, and
especially UN, involvement.
On one
hand, the lack of involvement is due to ex-colonial states’ strong motivations
to be extricated from continuing patterns of remote political and economic
control established by Western colonial administrations. On the other hand, and more importantly,
major powers have little to gain, in terms of national interest, by costly interventions
in faraway foreign lands. Only when
benefits to national interests outweigh the corresponding costs would
intervention, and the publicizing of such, be viable. Many conflicts, such as the ones in Eritrea,
Central African Republic, and Burundi, do not yet fit the bill for crises
worthy of interference.
The lack
of national interests for major powers, then, would explain the lack of
sustained UN presence in a particular conflict.
UN, in which actions are dedicated by the willingness of its member
states, cannot be present in conflict areas without consensus of major
powers. The current structure of the UN,
and in particular the Security Council, simply does not allow the Secretary
General or any other UN leader to push through forceful directives without
explicit agreement by the major powers.
Indeed,
from wars to national independence to intra-national violence, the UN of the
past has shown itself to be incapable of acting outside influence of major
powers. This is not only due to
structural constraints of the organization, but also inherently caused by the
Secretary General’s lack of assertiveness in pursuing a more independent
agenda. The contemporary world, however,
is not yet used to a more independent UN.
It is not yet used to an assertive Secretary General capable of
projecting his/her own influence.
As a new
kind of Secretary General appears, the world will need to react differently to
a new UN. As the UN’s standings in the
global political stage become more prominent, more resources will need to be
devoted to the study of the UN and its leadership. National governments will need to put in
greater efforts to research and analyze strategies to “deal with the UN.” The Secretary General will face more of not
only public, but also academic and government scrutiny. In this context, the UN will become a source
of policy development and leadership.
As the
Secretary General creates and seeks to implement his/her own solutions to what
s/he views as the world’s most pressing challenges, countries will increasingly
contemplate the consequences of differing reactions. Some will actively align with the Secretary
General by providing military, financial, and other resources. They will do so in bids to have their
domestic agenda set up for resolution on the international stage. No longer will nations devise resolutions and
then compel the UN to support. Nations
will have to lobby the UN to act in what they see as favorable ways.
Additionally,
if the Secretary General takes the lead in conflict resolution, a more
supra-national, humanitarian-focused prioritization will emerge. Such prioritization will likely deter all
states from undertaking violent domestic agendas. Such violence has not been acted upon in the
past due to unimportance to major power’s national interests. Yet, if governments understand the Secretary
General’s capabilities to intervene based on sheer damages to civilian life, it
is more likely that they will limit any kind of violence at home for fear of
negative UN attention. There will be an
advent of a less violence-filled world.
While
speculative, a different international community can emerge due to a “stronger”
Secretary General. By shifting away from
merely voicing over foreign policies of leading world powers, the Secretary
General can turn the UN into an independent institution that proactively
provide solutions to a range of pertinent international issues. The UN will have its distinctive political
platform, separate from that of any nation.
That platform will restrain the radical behaviors of any national actors
while preventing the UN from continued irrelevancy as puppet of member
states. All this can begin with a more
qualified, disciplined Secretary General.
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