Japan is a Religious-Atheist Country, and That's a Good Thing
The Spaniards have a saying, "in Spain, even the atheists are Catholics." No only do churches dominate townscapes, social norms derived from religious practices are inescapable in daily life of any person in Spain. Hence, even those who do not believe in God follow social norms designed by those that do believe in Him. The pervasiveness of subtle religious identity is simply subconsciously absorbed to such a degree that no one even really think about the religious origins of common everyday practices. And the Spanish carried their religiously embedded social practices to far-flung corners of the world like the Philippines.
How Spaniards subconsciously accept Catholicism's cultural dominance has a parallel here in the Orient. In Japan, streets are dominated by Shinto shrines, Buddhist temples, and Christian chapels. Japanese, as commonly observed, get married the Christian way, have funerals the Buddhist way, and pray for success the Shinto way. Yet when explicitly asked if they follow any particular religion devotedly, many Japanese would say no. Unlike devout Christians and Muslims, Japanese people do not regularly head to religious buildings or consult with religious personnel. Only during specific events does religion play an explicit role.
But the fact that they do not follow any religion all too regularly does not make the Japanese not religious. Like the Spaniards with Catholicism, religious practices in Japan are often embedded in everyday practices, with their practitioners not even thinking about the religious origins of their practices. For instance, the common Japanese saying of "itadakimasu" before eating is thought to come from a belief of displaying gratitude for taking the spirit from nature and replenishing oneself. The saying is rooted in animalistic Shinto beliefs as well as Japanese Buddhist traditions. Yet, most people do not know about the religious origins.
The subconscious nature of religion is particularly glaring during any "matsuri," or street festivals held around Japanese towns during various times of the year. While in most matsuri, local religious institutions are either the host, or the main part of the central event (with procession of mobile shrines or deities), attendees are neither expected to believe the deities or have any connections to the organizing religious organizations. Most are just out to have fun, eat good food, and partake in a decades, and sometimes centuries-old tradition. Few people think about religious piety during their matsuri participation.
The detachment of religion and social practice, however, is not a bad thing. Religion, as a constant institution spanning centuries, is certainly one to ensure maintenance of some traditions even as modernity reshape mentalities of average citizens. The fact that those ever-changing average citizens are still willing to say "itadakimasu" before their dinners and throng crowded streets to see matsuris show that religion, without people realizing it, still can ensure that people do not lose those traditions. Hence, beyond merely getting people to believe in a God, religion is allowing people to keep in touch with their roots.
Of course, there is the risk of religious practices being commercialized as they become increasingly associated with nonreligious usage. In matsuris, for instance, plenty of business transactions take place, with food stalls making a killing while temples and shrines themselves earning good incomes selling intricately designed religious knick-knacks. Traditionalists may argue that the appropriation of religious practices and products goes against the supposedly sacred nature of religion in itself, in the process weakening religion's cultural influence upon the common people.
Yet, to think religion is a loser in its commercialization is to underestimate how business practices change change cultural practices. For cultural impact of commercialization, one does not need to look further than that of Christmas and Eid, perhaps the biggest holidays of Christianity and Islam, respectively. Religion has certainly taken a backseat in comparison to shopping, but by making more people, including allowing those who are atheist, secular, or from other religions to also participate in the celebrations, awareness in the traditions associated with those specific holidays as well as religions as a whole is raised in the process.
Religion, in such cases, may have become more commercial and perhaps shallower in cultural meaning, but gained a wider following. The road to commercialization, in its hunt for more customers from more varied backgrounds, necessarily made traditional practices more inclusive of people from different cultural background, and trendier, to attract younger audience with exposure to tradition. The result is a rejuvenation of religion, transforming it from boring history to epicenter of contemporary culture. With the resulting enthusiasm from consumers, religion cannot possibly lose.
How Spaniards subconsciously accept Catholicism's cultural dominance has a parallel here in the Orient. In Japan, streets are dominated by Shinto shrines, Buddhist temples, and Christian chapels. Japanese, as commonly observed, get married the Christian way, have funerals the Buddhist way, and pray for success the Shinto way. Yet when explicitly asked if they follow any particular religion devotedly, many Japanese would say no. Unlike devout Christians and Muslims, Japanese people do not regularly head to religious buildings or consult with religious personnel. Only during specific events does religion play an explicit role.
But the fact that they do not follow any religion all too regularly does not make the Japanese not religious. Like the Spaniards with Catholicism, religious practices in Japan are often embedded in everyday practices, with their practitioners not even thinking about the religious origins of their practices. For instance, the common Japanese saying of "itadakimasu" before eating is thought to come from a belief of displaying gratitude for taking the spirit from nature and replenishing oneself. The saying is rooted in animalistic Shinto beliefs as well as Japanese Buddhist traditions. Yet, most people do not know about the religious origins.
The subconscious nature of religion is particularly glaring during any "matsuri," or street festivals held around Japanese towns during various times of the year. While in most matsuri, local religious institutions are either the host, or the main part of the central event (with procession of mobile shrines or deities), attendees are neither expected to believe the deities or have any connections to the organizing religious organizations. Most are just out to have fun, eat good food, and partake in a decades, and sometimes centuries-old tradition. Few people think about religious piety during their matsuri participation.
The detachment of religion and social practice, however, is not a bad thing. Religion, as a constant institution spanning centuries, is certainly one to ensure maintenance of some traditions even as modernity reshape mentalities of average citizens. The fact that those ever-changing average citizens are still willing to say "itadakimasu" before their dinners and throng crowded streets to see matsuris show that religion, without people realizing it, still can ensure that people do not lose those traditions. Hence, beyond merely getting people to believe in a God, religion is allowing people to keep in touch with their roots.
Of course, there is the risk of religious practices being commercialized as they become increasingly associated with nonreligious usage. In matsuris, for instance, plenty of business transactions take place, with food stalls making a killing while temples and shrines themselves earning good incomes selling intricately designed religious knick-knacks. Traditionalists may argue that the appropriation of religious practices and products goes against the supposedly sacred nature of religion in itself, in the process weakening religion's cultural influence upon the common people.
Yet, to think religion is a loser in its commercialization is to underestimate how business practices change change cultural practices. For cultural impact of commercialization, one does not need to look further than that of Christmas and Eid, perhaps the biggest holidays of Christianity and Islam, respectively. Religion has certainly taken a backseat in comparison to shopping, but by making more people, including allowing those who are atheist, secular, or from other religions to also participate in the celebrations, awareness in the traditions associated with those specific holidays as well as religions as a whole is raised in the process.
Religion, in such cases, may have become more commercial and perhaps shallower in cultural meaning, but gained a wider following. The road to commercialization, in its hunt for more customers from more varied backgrounds, necessarily made traditional practices more inclusive of people from different cultural background, and trendier, to attract younger audience with exposure to tradition. The result is a rejuvenation of religion, transforming it from boring history to epicenter of contemporary culture. With the resulting enthusiasm from consumers, religion cannot possibly lose.
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