On the Flows of Democratization and the Ebbs of Globalization
The author, despite espousing some strong left-wing views, tend to be in agreement with some neo-liberals on the fundamental direction of humanity's future. It will primarily be defined by two inevitable, unstoppable flows of history. On one side is democratization, a rise of the empowered masses, bolstered by labor's increasing ability to leverage their economic roles, utilize independent sources of information, and propagate their own organized opinions to large populations via social media. On the other is globalization, the gradual breakdown of state control over cross-border exchanges of goods, capital, and labor.
First, on democratization. In the past decades, we have seen too many governments stand against the raising voices of the people, choosing instead to be overconfident in their ability to isolate the "extremists," exterminate them, and manipulate information in their own favor. In the age of the Internet, this method is failing. Even for events prior to the rise of the Internet, modern methods of searching for information has meant that generations who have not experienced the devastation of those events will not forget them. The annual (banned) celebrations of the Tienanmen Square incident is the symbol of this new era.
The public's desire with at least their own definition of democracy is by no means limited to obviously authoritarian governments. Instead, it is perhaps in what places like Freedom House choose to call "partially free" regimes that such desire, albeit imperfect and with deep cultural flaws, is most readily expressed. The people, realizing that previous similar efforts have already successfully forced the government to give certain rights, are emboldened to further squeeze the government, using newly gained rights and emergence of a slightly more independent media space to fire up populist support for democratic values.
The ongoing student protests here in Taiwan demonstrates the power of populism in pushing forward the wave of democratization. People may question their methodology in getting themselves hurt, calling their act of taking over the legislature as undemocratic in itself, but one thing should be clear: their demands have been and continue to be democratic. They are calling for line-by-line review of the disputed document, a structure to help inform the public about the pros and cons of the document, and public decision-making and consensus on what to do about everyone who will suffer from it. Their intentions are highly praiseworthy.
Now, on globalization. There will inevitably be those who suffer from it. Economically speaking, all locales have certain comparative advantages of production, and economic globalization is meant to bring about the benefits of those comparative advantages to every household and increase living standards. Some economic actors are bound to be angry from foreign competition with comparative advantages, which they cannot hope to beat. This has been proven true for not just producers but also individuals, as the author has so unfortunately witnessed in his time at Rakuten.
Economists speak of efficiency, a logic of how to best use limited, finite resources in the right places to get the highest possible returns with the lowest possible costs. Globalization fits with this line of thinking, but only when the much-ignored overall "human costs" of the project is considered. This is a task not for corporations, with considerations for profits outweighing those of humane treatments of clients, but governments, with possibilities of holistic views for a balance of interests between creators of economic wealth and the general populace. To limit firms, it must create policies to help individuals.
And this is precisely what the Taiwanese protests, and many other populist protests around the world should be about. It is not about putting the interests of one social group above another as the one in Thailand is increasingly portrayed to be, but about creating welfare institutions that benefit all groups, everyone who would suffer from the side effects of globalization. Open economies will reshuffle wealth and turn social classes upside down. Without government effort to appease the losers in these circumstances, opposition will be persistent and increasingly radical, no matter how much overall progress globalization brings.
Past days of protests have given rise to a dark undertone, one that pits the twin forces of democratization and globalization against one another, in what seems a "two-choose-one" scenario. This is simply unfortunate as it ought not to be the case. Instead, these two flows of history are concurrent and mutually reinforcing. Globalization spreads the ideas of democracy and democracy makes globalization more transparent, and hopefully, more egalitarian. The latter should be the focus of the protests, both as an ultimate purpose and measure of success, as well as its focus of public scrutiny.
First, on democratization. In the past decades, we have seen too many governments stand against the raising voices of the people, choosing instead to be overconfident in their ability to isolate the "extremists," exterminate them, and manipulate information in their own favor. In the age of the Internet, this method is failing. Even for events prior to the rise of the Internet, modern methods of searching for information has meant that generations who have not experienced the devastation of those events will not forget them. The annual (banned) celebrations of the Tienanmen Square incident is the symbol of this new era.
The public's desire with at least their own definition of democracy is by no means limited to obviously authoritarian governments. Instead, it is perhaps in what places like Freedom House choose to call "partially free" regimes that such desire, albeit imperfect and with deep cultural flaws, is most readily expressed. The people, realizing that previous similar efforts have already successfully forced the government to give certain rights, are emboldened to further squeeze the government, using newly gained rights and emergence of a slightly more independent media space to fire up populist support for democratic values.
The ongoing student protests here in Taiwan demonstrates the power of populism in pushing forward the wave of democratization. People may question their methodology in getting themselves hurt, calling their act of taking over the legislature as undemocratic in itself, but one thing should be clear: their demands have been and continue to be democratic. They are calling for line-by-line review of the disputed document, a structure to help inform the public about the pros and cons of the document, and public decision-making and consensus on what to do about everyone who will suffer from it. Their intentions are highly praiseworthy.
Now, on globalization. There will inevitably be those who suffer from it. Economically speaking, all locales have certain comparative advantages of production, and economic globalization is meant to bring about the benefits of those comparative advantages to every household and increase living standards. Some economic actors are bound to be angry from foreign competition with comparative advantages, which they cannot hope to beat. This has been proven true for not just producers but also individuals, as the author has so unfortunately witnessed in his time at Rakuten.
Economists speak of efficiency, a logic of how to best use limited, finite resources in the right places to get the highest possible returns with the lowest possible costs. Globalization fits with this line of thinking, but only when the much-ignored overall "human costs" of the project is considered. This is a task not for corporations, with considerations for profits outweighing those of humane treatments of clients, but governments, with possibilities of holistic views for a balance of interests between creators of economic wealth and the general populace. To limit firms, it must create policies to help individuals.
And this is precisely what the Taiwanese protests, and many other populist protests around the world should be about. It is not about putting the interests of one social group above another as the one in Thailand is increasingly portrayed to be, but about creating welfare institutions that benefit all groups, everyone who would suffer from the side effects of globalization. Open economies will reshuffle wealth and turn social classes upside down. Without government effort to appease the losers in these circumstances, opposition will be persistent and increasingly radical, no matter how much overall progress globalization brings.
Past days of protests have given rise to a dark undertone, one that pits the twin forces of democratization and globalization against one another, in what seems a "two-choose-one" scenario. This is simply unfortunate as it ought not to be the case. Instead, these two flows of history are concurrent and mutually reinforcing. Globalization spreads the ideas of democracy and democracy makes globalization more transparent, and hopefully, more egalitarian. The latter should be the focus of the protests, both as an ultimate purpose and measure of success, as well as its focus of public scrutiny.
Many of the student protesters in Taiwan are blindly participating in the movement. Most of the protesters probably haven't even read the 《服贸协议》in its entirety. The bandwagon effect has clearly played a role in causing more and more students to march on the streets. More importantly, one must realize that pro-"Taiwan independence" elements have played a role in this political event. DPP and pan-Green politicians, such as 苏贞昌 and 蔡英文, have voiced their support for the students. They are playing on the students' "逢中必反" mentality, the unnecessary and ridiculous notion that Mainland China is using this agreement for means of political encroachment. The mainland is opening up more service industries to Taiwan than Taiwan is opening up to the mainland. Taiwan will clearly benefit more than the mainland from the trade agreement. From my understanding, the problem lies in 马英九's method of ensuring the proper execution of the trade agreement and the "uncertainty" of supervision over the process. The students want "先立法,再审议“, but the trade agreement is neither a legislative measure nor an executive order. I truly hope that the students will come to understand that this trade agreement is in the interest of Taiwan's economy.
ReplyDeleteXiaochen,
ReplyDeleteI understand you are in Taiwan. You must have a better understanding of the situation than most of us. I am glad you are keeping us updated on the situation from your point of view in Taiwan. I apologize for my apparent one-sidedness in the comment (which I am replying to) and hope you don't take offense at it. Keep up with the updates.
Thanks.
Thanks for the kind words, I will try my best to keep up the updates from this side, if there are any meaningful ones in the meantime.
ReplyDeleteThe reason students are protesting is a multifaceted one, and there are many internal struggles within the movement that pit certain factions against one another.
To explain the matters simply, we can separate the "radicals," who like you mentioned, support Taiwanese independence, oppose anything remotely pro-China, and are supported by the DPP, from the "moderates," who are merely protesting HOW the agreement is passed through rather than the idea of it.
At the moment, it seems the radicals are gaining an upper hand, and this is, by all means, a highly worrisome situation. Taiwan cannot afford to isolate itself economically from the mainland, as much as the politics demand so. By bypassing the whole discussion on how the government can set up institutions to financially support the "losers" from the agreement, Taiwan is proving itself to be structurally unready for free trade agreement, not just with China, but any country that may come up with a similarly worded proposal.